{"id":133796,"date":"2025-04-11T11:00:16","date_gmt":"2025-04-11T08:00:16","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/pozirk.online\/en\/longreads\/133796\/"},"modified":"2025-04-11T11:00:19","modified_gmt":"2025-04-11T08:00:19","slug":"lukasenka-orders-ideological-offensive-amid-crackdown","status":"publish","type":"longreads","link":"https:\/\/pozirk.online\/en\/longreads\/133796\/","title":{"rendered":"\u0141uka\u0161enka orders ideological offensive amid crackdown"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

On April 9, Alaksandar \u0141uka\u0161enka issued a directive instructing officials to intensify efforts to promote state ideology.<\/strong> The effort is unlikely to make a difference in repressed society.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

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\n\n (A political information session at school)\n <\/div>\n \n
\n (\u0160achcior)<\/span>\n <\/div>\n <\/figcaption>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

The document is divided into two parts: a four-page section outlining the ideological “basics,” and a seven-page list of agitation and propaganda measures. That the latter is nearly twice as long comes as no surprise\u2014\u0141uka\u0161enka\u2019s regime lacks a coherent ideology beyond the imperative of self-preservation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In essence, the directive is an order for officials to indoctrinate citizens into absolute loyalty.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Crackdown on dissent, expansion of loyalty<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The directive introduces no novel methods of indoctrination; rather, it reinforces and expands existing practices. Officials are directed to deepen their efforts, particularly in areas such as education, culture, sports, religion and family policy\u2014all of which have been subject to aggressive state control since the 2020 protests. Government agencies and associations have been systematically purged of dissent.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last month, \u0141uka\u0161enka urged his ministers to continue identifying and eliminating all \u201cenemies of the state who have been lying low for a while.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Artists, too, are under pressure to show unwavering loyalty. In a meeting with Culture Minister Rus\u0142an \u010carniecki, \u0141uka\u0161enka was blunt: \u201cIf you are facing some dissent there . . . you must stop it. You are a statesman, and they must be the same as you are.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The directive instructs a broad spectrum of institutions\u2014including government agencies, educational and cultural bodies, scientific and health organizations, sports clubs, media, political parties and \u201cother economic entities\u201d\u2014to participate in the campaign.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Specific measures include \u201cinformation and propaganda work,\u201d \u201cprevention of negative informational influence and the dissemination of destructive ideas in society\u201d and instilling ideological and moral values in minors.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The tools are familiar: \u201cdialogue platforms,\u201d official \u201cmethodological materials,\u201d and the ubiquitous promotion of state symbols.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One explicit directive concerns censorship: the \u201cassessment of works of art, advertisements, journalistic and entertainment content for compliance with the ideology of the Belarusian state.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What is new is the requirement that all organizations\u2014public and private\u2014conduct regular political propaganda sessions. This means that Belarusians, already exposed to pervasive propaganda, are likely to face even more intensified ideological messaging in their daily lives.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The basics<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The basics section is filled with vague, often banal statements\u2014some of which even opposition leaders might endorse, such as calls for \u201chigh-quality healthcare, education and social welfare.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The authors appear to have struggled with the task of producing a text that signals loyalty without stating the regime\u2019s core principle outright: that \u0141uka\u0161enka is infallible, his policies unimpeachable and his rule permanent. Citizens are left to infer this from between the lines.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The section asserts that Belarus, a successor to the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, gained \u201creal sovereignty and independence\u201d in 1991 with the establishment of a presidential system [after \u0141uka\u0161enka\u2019s 1994 election].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This claim, however, clashes with the widely held view among political observers that \u0141uka\u0161enka has traded aspects of Belarus\u2019s sovereignty for Russian subsidies and military protection. Notably, he recently admitted that Russian President Vladimir Putin did not even consult him before launching attacks on Ukraine from Belarusian territory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

From a historical perspective, the directive conspicuously omits mention of the 1918 Belarusian People\u2019s Republic, the first independent Belarusian state. Instead, it traces statehood back to the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution and the founding of the Soviet Socialist Republic of Belarus in 1919.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The directive refers to \u0141uka\u0161enka\u2019s system as a \u201cconstitutional order\u201d and states that defending it is \u201cthe sacred duty and obligation of every Belarusian.\u201d The word democracy<\/em> is entirely absent from the text. Only once does it mention \u201cthe rule of the people,\u201d immediately followed by praise for \u201cthe presidential republic as the most optimal system of government.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps surprisingly, the document makes no reference to the 2020 political unrest or claims of foreign interference, nor does it credit the national leader with defending Belarus during those events.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One who polarizes a nation cannot unite it<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Although the directive is formally addressed to all Belarusians, it will resonate only with those who already support the regime. In today\u2019s polarized Belarusian society, there are effectively three distinct groups.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One Belarus attends state-organized concerts and waves red-green flags. The other keeps a low profile out of fear\u2014sending care packages to imprisoned relatives and keeping in touch with children who fled abroad. One Belarus is content with salaries from state-run enterprises. The other searches for jobs abroad and prepares children for enrollment in foreign universities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One Belarus watches Belarusian and Russian state television, harbors resentment toward the West and rages against Ukrainian followers of Bandera. The other reads banned media, watches so-called \u201cextremist\u201d YouTube channels and clears its browser history afterward.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Then there is arguably the largest group in between\u2014those who prefer to stay out of politics entirely. They maintain a semblance of normality, sending their kids to school, getting married and starting families. This group is largely indifferent to the regime\u2019s ideological campaigns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A man who polarizes a nation cannot unite it. Real national consolidation will remain out of reach until a new leader is elected in a free and fair election.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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