By Alaksiej Jakimovič
The government’s propaganda apparatus has largely ignored Alaksandar Łukašenka’s presidential rivals, despite declarations of support for the long-time Belarusian ruler from all but one of the candidates. The contenders have had the opportunity to address the public through television and radio slots, but otherwise coverage has been heavily skewed.

Aleh Hajdukievič of the LDP
The leader of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), Aleh Hajdukievič, has virtually disappeared from TV and radio talk shows. While he was featured on state television in late October, announcing his candidacy, the appearance was primarily used as a platform to criticize the West, stating he hoped it would “get sick of every single presidential candidate” in Belarus.
Subsequently, Hajdukievič was invited to a talk show on Alfa Radio, owned by SB. Belarus Segodnya, a media company controlled by Łukašenka’s administration. However, state-controlled media have not covered him since, except for his designated official TV and radio slots. Furthermore, SB. Belarus Segodnya suspended a YouTube show co-hosted by Hajdukievič.
The press office of the House of Representatives has ceased reposting updates from his Telegram channel, which documents his campaign.
Meanwhile, the press office of the lower house has continued to promote Łukašenka, including a 40-second advertisement featuring nine members of parliament (MPs) expressing their support for “a peaceful Belarus” alongside their “president.”
Notably, the parliamentary press office covers MPs’ meetings with presidential candidates’ campaign managers but does so without naming the candidates.
Siarhiej Syrankoŭ of the CPB
Since January 1, state-controlled media have published all decisions by the Central Election Commission, including the schedules for candidates’ television and radio appearances, as well as the publication of candidates’ manifestos. However, these media outlets have largely ignored the candidates’ campaigns.
It is particularly strange that while state media websites announced the publication of manifestos in newspapers, they did not quote or feature any of the manifestos.
Siarhiej Syrankoŭ, from the Communist Party of Belarus (CPB), posted his manifesto on the CPB website on January 9. Despite this, state media ignored his press conference on the same day, with not a single quote cited in their reports.
Russian-controlled Sputnik. Belarus and the website tochka.by, which claims independence, only reported that Syrankoŭ expressed confidence in Łukašenka’s victory.
Łukašenka dominates coverage
Alaksandar Chižniak, of the Republican Party of Labor and Justice (RPLJ), has received even less media attention than the other candidates, while state media continue to lavish praise on Łukašenka.
Although Łukašenka has not used his allotted TV and radio slots, claiming he has no time for a formal presidential campaign, his campaign has in fact been underway long before the official start date of January 1.
On September 17, the government launched the Unity Marathon, a series of rallies and concerts across the country to drum up support for the Belarusian leader. Dźmitry Krutoj, head of Łukašenka’s administration, and Natalla Kačanava, of the Council of the Republic, are regular speakers at these events. The concerts often feature Łukašenka’s son, Mikałaj, playing the piano, and Hanna Łukašenka, the wife of another son, is in charge of the Unity Marathon.
Lawmakers and officials have been holding “information days” and “dialogue platforms” — meetings with voters designed to promote the incumbent.
The state-funded pop band Pesniary has also joined in supporting the head of state. “Our strength is in unity, in one course, which we will elect together this year on January 26,” the seven band members stated in unison at a pro-Łukašenka rally, according to SB. Belarus Segodnya.
Belarusian band Belorusy, famous for their “Ballad of the Dictator,” a song of praise for Łukašenka, also regularly performs at these marathon concerts.
In fact, state-run media significantly ramped up their promotion of Łukašenka in 2024. Throughout the year, the media portrayed him as the founder of the presidency institution and the modern state of Belarus, framing the three years of democracy before his election as “the bandit 90s.”
